Doomed Three Dog Night

The staunchest supporters of the Opposition are not buying in and having the confidence of the game with the recent development within Pakatan Harapan with the pronouncement of the High Council list.

The Malay Mail Online:

A doomed election strategy

Thursday July 20, 2017
7:27 AM GMT+8

Praba Ganesan

Praba Ganesan is chief executive at KUASA, an NGO using volunteerism to empower the 52 per cent. He believes it is time to get involved. You can contact him at prabaganesan@hotmail.comor follow him on Twitter @prabaganesan

JULY 20 — Within the next 10 months, the 14th general election would have concluded.

Before Muslim fasting begins in May 2018, either Najib Razak has led Barisan Nasional (BN) to 15 straight national victories; or all non-BN parties accumulate 112 or more seats and seek to negotiate a working majority to rule — which includes the possibility of a BN government with the help of others inside Parliament.

This column is not in support of BN. However, it has grave concerns about Pakatan Harapan’s chances reliant on a packed roster with every personality ever to have graced national politics — as long as they are now sworn enemies of the present BN government.

The stratagem is doomed to fail.

If Pakatan delivers, then I’d gladly eat humble pie. I’d concede to the enlightenment a room of aged men brings with their sins adorned on their sleeves.

A window-dressing structure    

I’ve urged for renewal, positing that both Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad’s eras have passed and would be better elders than the tip of Pakatan’s attack.

The notion has been ignored.

In response they offer a leadership structure, which is a sham. It at best only agrees on the order in which leadership names appear on an A4 paper.

Anwar gets to have his name at the top, as de facto leader. He is presently ineligible to contest a parliamentary seat before 2023. The former deputy prime minister has never faced a party challenge since 1993 so he expects the country to have the democratic rigour he appears to disdain for himself.

Mahathir is chairman. He oozes with experience in exerting much power in what were designed as emeritus positions, as evidenced by his decade at Petronas, Proton and Perdana Leadership Foundation.

He was the large shadow over both prime ministers Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Najib Razak, and only a fool would expect less from the control-freak from Kedah. He took on the mega sized multi-portfolio filled prime minister’s department.

The current situation is easier.

The chairman speaks publically, and the de factor leader passes notes to lawyers and family. An uncomfortable balance presides.

Cue the third name.

To insulate rather than regulate is the layer referred to as coalition president in the guise of Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail.

She won’t harmonise the two men, but rather seek to mitigate Mahathir’s claw for prominence in her husband’s absence by sandwiching him. She may have a position, but she is no match for Dr M’s Hyde.

Which brings us to the deputy presidents; Pribumi president Muhyiddin Yassin, DAP secretary general Lim Guan Eng and Amanah president Mohamad Sabu.

Muhyiddin neither leads his party nor this coalition, Lim’s party faces deregistration as the Registrar of Societies (ROS) predictably squeezes them in an election cycle, and Amana is unsure of its appeal.

The three deputy presidents have four vice-presidents. Which is odd because the PKR man at that level, Azmin Ali, is Selangor’s mentri besar.  His words would be revered by virtue of the richest state’s machinery and resources at his disposal, above those posited on top of him let alone those parallel to him in the leadership chart — Pribumi’s Mukhriz Mahathir, DAP’s Chong Chieng Jen and Amanah’s Salahuddin Ayub.

Saifuddin Abdullah as secretary-general is expected to weld the group together with no elected position in any party, state assembly or the Dewan Rakyat.

M. Kulasegaran is treasurer-general for a coalition which manages its finances at their own parties, which becomes a shy point on what the appointment is supposed to espouse.

The age average is above 60, and only Sarawak’s Chong is under 50 years of age.

Lim Kit Siang lurks in the fringe, Nurul Izzah Anwar is PKR election director and Rafizi Ramli has a separate organisation operating around PKR but with tentacles in other parties with big data he’d insist the leadership structure must adopt.

This is without stating the obvious that there are palpable holes in the Borneo game, a PAS itch no one can scratch and floating policies thin on narratives.

It is clearer by the day, that an actual and not a symbolic power structure with the name at the very top empowered to lead with a mandate is inescapable if Pakatan wants to maximise the personality driven campaign.

The worst kind of egos can rise together if the common enemy is their only objective and they adhere to a leader. This is not the case in this sordid play, instead here it is a powder keg of power-grabs.

We have so many names

What is left then?

In the lead-up to the last general election, a disgraced ex-Selangor mentri besar Muhammad Muhammad Taib or popularly referred to as Mike Tyson was paraded about by PAS.

Muhammad’s stars fell when he was in trouble when caught with RM3.8 million travelling to Australia. He was acquitted and served as a minister thereafter.

Within a few years, expressed religious piety and criticism of his former colleagues was seen as adequate to render him as an asset to the cause. He left PAS since for PKR.

Reject BN — with no intention to answer past misdeeds — and you are in, for name recognition is prioritised. No distinction is made between fame and infamy.

Fast forward to 2017, it unravels as the strategy for the coming election.

Accuse BN — as Pakatan has done before — and flaunt the turncoats as irrefutable proof of the charges.

Defend the credibility of Pakatan to govern, by padding up the brochure with the turncoats.

Meet the larger-than-life challenge by displaying Mahathir at every chance, right or wrong, the most talked about Malaysian over the last 40 years stands on a Pakatan Harapan stage now.

The three gaps — incontrovertible evidence of scandal claims, experience at the helm and rock star — are plugged by the new arrivals.

Perfect, to some.

To others, like myself, lift the veil and what remains are some uncomfortable truths.

If turncoats are welcome without disapprobation of their years in power, are scandals malleable to political expedience?

If capacity is not met by the energy of youth unencumbered by the sins of the past, but rather prefer to stuff corrosive waste by-products of an uninspired past as the best solution, those not raised in that toxic period are likely to be unimpressed. Name recognition works both ways.

If shock and awe is to come from a man who disposed a former prime minister through poison letters, then there would be moral questions which would outlast the election result. I have faith in my people, to know why Mahathir loomed over millions of lives mercilessly for decades.

The naïve contention that adding one more name only adds on to vote totals and with zero likelihood to force an equal or more votes to dissipate is what fuels the “crowded roster” strategy.

Perhaps this columnist is old-fashioned to assume leadership has to be relatable rather than manned by personalities. Again, we will all find out in the months to come.

* This is the personal opinion of the columnist.


The line up itself hardly convincing enough for Pakatan Harapan’s own people to offer to the Malaysian public as the alternative to unseat Prime Minister Dato’ Sri Mohd. Najib Tun Razak.

The Opposition particularly PKR and PAN may face a tough uphill challenge because voters not only want to see the ‘Big Picture’, but also how they can be served.

The Malay Mail Online story:

GE14: The local tipping points

Thursday June 29, 2017
7:59 AM GMT+8


Praba Ganesan

Praba Ganesan is chief executive at KUASA, an NGO using volunteerism to empower the 52 per cent. He believes it is time to get involved. You can contact him at prabaganesan@hotmail.comor follow him on Twitter @prabaganesan

JUNE 29 — Tip O’Neill is attributed with the saying, “All politics is local.”

I understand we currently are not fans of meddlesome Americans, but perhaps our country’s politicians might want to reflect on the sage advice from the late Speaker of the US House of Representative.

Tip knew a thing or two about winning, and losing.

As we enter the one-year cycle where an election must be had, the lonely thoughts of politicians must surely be turned toward the electorate. The General Election — a day long snapshot of registered voters who oblige the Election Commission and turn up at their designated voting centre with the appropriate identification — will determine who will inherit the 112 parliamentary seats necessary to elect a prime minister.

The prime minister determines the fate of Malaysia.

But before we get all sanctimonious about change and destiny, it all falls back to the local seat and the specifics of the constituency.

I say it again, it’s all local.

Familiarity to the locality and the locality’s familiarity with the candidate will matter massively anytime; but when compounded with an increasingly demanding electorate interacting with social media, this election will have a huge local tangent to it. There are 222 different elections deciding one prime minister.

But why is that understanding not widespread?

General Elections appear not to be localised because of one thing, coverage.

Local news chapters are rare, like the Ipoh Echo, and therefore specialisations are lacking. The major print companies do have presence in key towns outside Kuala Lumpur providing content for regional editions, but they are limited operations. Add to the politicisation of these publications, local news travels via person to person conversations.

In an election, national news companies would be stretched with even the office accountant liable to be sent out to cover the 222 parliamentary and four hundred plus assembly seats. Local news is not invisible to locals, but it is to the national audience. The exaggerated interest in national leaders, amplifies the value of the national campaign as opposed to the events transpiring within the constituency.

But by how much?

The local effect

Khalid Ibrahim won the Ijok state seat in 2008, after losing a by-election there in 2007 to the same opponent K.Parthiban. Five years later, after completing his first term as the non-Umno mentri besar with state sentiments in support for the-defunct Pakatan Rakyat, Khalid’s hometown Ijok would seem a quintessential safe seat.

It wasn’t, because word was rife that he would lose if he stayed on.

While Khalid ran Selangor, the voters in Ijok mattered more than how the other 55 seats in the state felt about the man.

The mentri besar contested in Port Klang instead.

In Kedah’s Kulim Bandar Baru, PKR Secretary-General Saifuddin Nasution was defeated in 2013.

It was unexpected since he was facing Abdul Aziz Sheikh Fadzir, the loser to the often derided Zulkifli Noordin in 2008. Saifuddin was the national face, and three time candidate in the state. Perhaps the voters in Kulim did not see enough of Saifuddin or cared little about his appearances on the national stage, for they turned their backs on him.

In the same general election, a different Saifuddin — Abdullah — lost in Temerloh to PAS youth chief Nasrudin Hassan Tantawi despite being well-covered as deputy higher education minister, a Twitter celebrity and well-liked by young people across the country. Unfortunately, he failed to muster enough young and old votes in his Pahang constituency to fight off the Islamist firebrand.

Saifuddin Abdullah has since left Umno and now is on the other side as secretary general of Pakatan Harapan.

To top it off, constitutional law expert Dr Abdul Aziz Bari put his name on the ballot in his hometown of Sabak Bernam in Selangor and duly lost to his less regarded opponent Mohd Fasiah Mohd Fakeh.

Several of these races swung awkwardly, even though the candidates appeared in strong stead from the national telescope.

Which is why some of us are left scratching our heads when getting the results.

Sadly for the candidates, politics did end up local.

All Putrajaya, pitchforks too

In the flurry of opposition leaders putting out their analyses on why person A from party X trumps person B from party Y, the local game is steadily falling into a secondary concern.

The imagining that Gerik, Terengganu Hulu, Bentong and Alor Gajah can wait and be served in the short window after dissolution is foolhardy at best. These voters are not carbon copies of their parents, and they are most demonstrably fickle.

Of course in the lead-up to voting day, all candidates discard their business suits and miraculously find worn out shoes. But in 2018, will days be enough?

This belated approach seems out of touch, just like many candidates.

To build consensus on local issues, over an ageing bridge or reinvigorating local activities, it takes time. Issues can’t just be subsumed by an arriving aspirant because there is electoral gaiety.

The locals are invested in the issues, they’d like their champions to be invested too.

There are examples of parachute candidates succeeding, but always these stories are accompanied by evidence that their opponents are new as well or been around but withdrawn from the people.

The overconcentration of interest to the power negotiations will wane efforts in the constituency, which is the ballgame.

This is a timely reminder to those in the game to recalibrate to the 222 contests as individual challenges rather than rely purely on the pull of national issues cutting through all concerns. In a close race, it is almost always the local considerations swaying votes to help one candidate over the finishing line.

Early candidate announcement, constituency service hours clocked and coffees shared in late night sessions may have a larger impact than what many think.

But of all currencies, time is one which is most appreciated.

While all politics is local, the information about it being local is well-documented and discussed. It’s time politicians woke up to the truth in it.

* This is the personal opinion of the columnist.


Of course, the offering for the voters are not just the face, personality, ability and aptitude and attitude, but the plan as well.

A mandate offering is worthless without where to go, how to get there and who is actually going to oversee these journey and realisation of objectives.

The Malay Mail Online story:

Why election manifestos are important

Friday July 14, 2017
9:23 AM GMT+8

Boo Su-Lyn

Boo Su-Lyn is a feminist who loves reading fiction. She tweets at @boosulyn.

JULY 14 — When I wrote a story illustrating the Pakatan Harapan parties’ stand on various issues, some Opposition supporters were apparently upset and somehow perceived the article as an attack on the coalition.

I used to believe that it didn’t matter what political parties stood for as long as there was a change in government, because I thought back then that real competition would force both sides to come up with better policies.

I don’t believe that now.

There is no reason why we should shortchange ourselves and vote for a party or coalition seeking to be Malaysia’s first ever alternate government without demanding for substantive pledges of reform.

This is the 21st century.

Malaysian politicians and parties should not act as if the country is still fresh from independence and use racial/religious campaigning, instead of focusing on policy-based ideologies like the mature democracies Malaysia hopes to join ranks with.

The article I wrote shows clearly that PKR, DAP, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) and Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah) do not wish to take firm stances on issues which they believe (rightly or wrongly) will offend the Malay-Muslim electorate, such as whether they will abolish Bumiputera policies, enhance Muslims’ personal liberties, protect the rights of non-Muslims in the issue of unilateral child conversions to Islam, or even something as basic as reviving local council elections.

Although the DAP may say that the English subject should be made a compulsory pass in SPM, for example, the fact that the four parties are contesting the 14th general elections as one big coalition, not as singular parties, means that their individual party stands don’t mean anything.

Voting for DAP means voting for PPBM and vice versa.

And right now, we don’t really know what Pakatan Harapan as a whole stands for aside from their wanting to abolish the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and to return the money stolen from 1MDB to the people (how exactly, we don’t know).

It is also dishonest for political parties to be ambiguous on issues of race and religion.

Muslims have the right to know if Shariah enforcement will remain just as excessive under the current Barisan Nasional (BN) government or if it will be relaxed in a Harapan administration. All Malaysians deserve to know if Bumiputera policies will be gradually dismantled in a Harapan government, or if they will be retained despite their obvious ineffectiveness.

Keeping silent on those issues means Pakatan Harapan is essentially lying to Malaysians, some of whom might not vote for them if they picked one stand over the other.

Political parties cannot please everyone. Taking a stand on anything will invariably turn off some people.

But in a democracy, voters have the right to know what exactly their candidates stand for. Otherwise, why bother voting at all? How can we judge their performance in government when we don’t know what their pledges are to begin with?

The lack of a manifesto from both Harapan and BN, when GE14 is due in about a year, shows that both sides do not expect to be judged and elected based on their policies and ideology, but based on their racial and religious identity.

It is not enough either to campaign solely on one’s promise to fight corruption because all political parties claim to be cleaner than the other.

What happens after embezzled funds are returned to the people? How will the country be governed in other sectors like the economy, education, healthcare, and security, just to name a few?

Pakatan Harapan’s refusal to spell out how they will tackle racial and religious issues means they are ideologically similar to BN and PAS, all conservative across the board and predisposed to their own community.

How is that change?

* This is the personal opinion of the columnist.


Former MP for Petaling Jaya and DAP Publicity Chief Dr Kua Kia Soong issued a voracious attack against Fourth Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad on his proclamation to be Pakatan Harapan “Top Dog”.


Press statement by Kua Kia Soong, Suaram Adviser, 20 July 2017

It was bad enough when Pakatan Harapan made an alliance with the unrepentant former autocrat, but now that Mahathir has been made the ‘top dog’ of the coalition, it is the biggest betrayal of the Reformasi Movement yet.

Well, now that Mahathir has been made the Chairman of the coalition, Pakatan Harapan will have to answer for all his scandals. PH must be prepared for more than the RM30 billion forex losses incurred during Mahathir’s term.

It is not as if the former Prime Minister had sincerely become a ‘born-again democrat’ by showing a sliver of contrition, but up to now, he has not. He is not sorry for the white terror of Operation Lalang; for the political conspiracy against Anwar Ibrahim and saying on record that the latter is morally unfit to be PM because he is a womaniser and sodomiser; for squandering more than RM100 billion in the financial scandals during his term in office through crony capitalism and bailing out failed businessmen including his son…

The litany of woes inflicted under Mahathir’s rule has been well-documented and every community has its story: The 10,000 indigenous peoples who were forcibly displaced from their ancestral homes in Bakun in order to make way for yet another of Mahathir’s grandiose dam projects at a time when the project had been suspended during the financial crisis in 1998; the Indian plantation workers whose communities were destroyed through Mahathir’s neo-liberal capitalist policies and who were forced to become urban settlers; the needless communal controversies created around mother tongue education during the eighties including the Unified Examination Certificate in 1975, the National Culture Policy, the unqualified school administrators sent to Chinese schools in 1987, and others.

Let us not forget that Mahathir was also the first Prime Minister to claim that Malaysia is an Islamic state and as recently as the 2013 general election, criticised Najib for wasting public money on the Chinese voters after they had voted for the Opposition. He is also the top dog in the new ‘Pribumi’ party which is only open to ‘Pribumis’ no less.

You have to be a “Zombie Democrat” to accept such a party into the coalition that is supposed to embody the Reformasi Movement! Do the PH leaders still remember what their Reformasi programme stands for?


On this side, though situation have significantly improved as compared as two years ago this very month when the ‘rebellion within’ trying to topple Prime Minister Dato’ Sri Mohd. Najib Tun Razak was quashed, things could be much better.

A serious transformation is required, particularly on the offering of leaders for the voters to consider.

The Star story:


Sunday, 9 July 2017

More is not merrier in Sabah



Heartland politics: The Kadazandusuns are quite cohesive as a cultural group but their political alliances are all over the place.

Heartland politics: The Kadazandusuns are quite cohesive as a cultural group but their political alliances are all over the place.

The Kadazandusuns say they are ready for change but their votes are split multiple ways every general election, many of their political leaders have overstayed while the younger generation feel disconnected with the leadership.

DATUK Henrynus Amin has gone from being a small fish in a big pond to being a big fish in a small pond.

Henrynus always wears this big smile and he is one of those rare thinking politicians. He was also a big name in Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) until a few years ago when he was sidelined after losing in a fight for the No. 2 post in the Kadazandusun-based party.

He is now president of Pakar, the newest political party in an already over-crowded field in Sabah.

His friends were not surprised about his latest venture but there was dismay within the segment of the Kadazandusun community who are rooting for change in the general election.

The Kadazandusun vote is already split multiple ways and Pakar has further jumbled up the situation.

Or as Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Seri Musa Aman has said: “The more the merrier”.

The irony is that during his time in PBS, Henrynus had tried to persuade the three Kadazandusun-based parties in Barisan Nasional – PBS, PBRS and Upko – to merge into a single entity so that the community would have a more unified and stronger voice.

When it failed, he took his unity project to the opposition parties but that also went nowhere.

So what happens? He goes off to form a new party to add to the carnival.


Henrynus: Leading a new political party in a crowded field.

Henrynus: Leading a new political party in a crowded field.

Henrynus is known for his grassroots politics and broad Christian network. He said Pakar would be launched in the Kadazandusun heartland of Keningau where the legendary “Batu Sumpah” is located and where more about his new party would be revealed.

Kadazandusun leaders often talk about strength in unity but the trouble is that everyone wants to be the big boss. If they cannot become the leader in the party, they form a new party where they can be the leader or they join another party to get what they want.

The phenomenon is not unique to Sabah, it used to be rampant in the peninsula too until it dawned on politicians that voters are not into mosquito parties nor do they trust politicians who hop here and there.

“Henrynus is trying to provide an alternative to younger professionals who are critical of the ruling party but whether he can leverage on it to win in the general election is another thing,” said political analyst Dr Arnold Puyok.

The Kadazandusun vote is a matter of concern for Barisan Nasional. Although Barisan won most of the Kadazandusun seats in the last general election, a number of the seats were won with markedly reduced majorities.

“All the state and parliamentary seats dominated by the Kadazandusun can be considered marginal seats for Barisan, meaning that they can go either way. There are no safe seats for Barisan in the Kadazandusun areas. Our studies show that Kadazandusun support is tilted to the opposition,” said Dr Puyok.

Kadazandusun intellectuals like Prof Felix Tongkul is convinced that the community is ready for change.

“Even in the last election, they were ready for something else,” said Tongkul, who is Sabah’s foremost earthquake expert.


Dr Arnold Puyok

Dr Arnold: The Kadazandusuns are looking for a hero figure.

He said the signal was clear as daylight in 2013 when then Upko president Tan Sri Bernard Dompok lost in Penampang to PKR newcomer Darrel Leiking who has since hopped over to Parti Warisan.

The Penampang defeat was a metaphor of the turbulence among the Kadazandusuns. The affable Dompok had so much going for him – he was the incumbent, a federal minister and he had met the Pope twice – yet he lost badly to Leiking.

But despite the overwhelming mood for change, to “tukaron bangkad” or change the shirt, the opposition parties won only five state seats and one parliamentary seat.

The Kadazandusun, said Dr Puyok, are quite cohesive as a cultural group but there is no individual figure to bring them together as a political grouping.

“There is no such thing as total unity in any community but there are too many leaders with their own interests and agenda,” said the Unimas senior lecturer in politics.

Or as Tongkul put it: “They want change but what’s the alternative? That’s when people scratch their heads.”

There are some 28 political parties in Sabah of which at least six are led by Kadazandusun figures. But the opposition parties seem unable to strike an agreement on seats.

It was every man for himself in the 2013 election and the circus of multi-cornered fights resulted in Barisan winning the state with a two-thirds majority.

The signs, said Dr Puyok, are pointing to a repeat performance in the 14th general election.


Darrel: Warisan deputy president set to retain Penampang seat.

Darrel: Warisan deputy president set to retain Penampang seat.

The Kadazandusun’s disgruntlement with the ruling coalition range from the perception that they are marginalised in the civil service to issues of native customary land rights and religious freedom. Many of them are also unable to accept that the Federal Government calls the shots on policies affecting the state.

At one stage, the notion of secession was quite popular but that has tapered off. Reality has sunk in following the spate of kidnappings and intrusions on its eastern shores.

Sabahans realise that they need the military and federal might to safeguard their security especially with the IS-held Marawi just a boat ride away.

The religion factor cannot be discounted. Christians and Muslims have become more conscious of their respective religions. The Christians are also starting to wear their religion on their sleeves.

The mountainous road that winds from the west to the east of Sabah is dotted with the blue and white signboards indicating the presence of Catholic churches. There must have been about 80 such signs which were reportedly erected by a cancer survivor as a testimony of his faith and gratitude.

But it was also a sign of the far-reaching church network among the community.

The Kadazandusun are also quite envious of Sarawak’s ability to close its borders and the way the indigenous leaders speak up. Most of all, they envy Sarawak for being able to keep out Umno.

The anti-Umno sentiment is quite strong among them. They equate Umno’s entry into Sabah to the dilution of Kadazandusun control over state affairs and political power.

They have not forgiven Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad for “Project IC”, a covert operation granting citizenship to illegal immigrants so as to offset the Kadazandusun population.

They blame Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as being instrumental in bringing down the PBS government in 1994 and which paved the way for Umno’s entry.

Even Warisan president Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal is still trying to shake off his past ties with Umno.

The undercurrent to this litany of anti-federal sentiment is that many Kadazandusun are probably still hankering for the good old days when they were the king of the hill and when their leaders controlled the state government.

But the past is unlikely to be recaptured because Muslim-majority seats now outnumber Kadazandusun seats.

Part of the discontent also has to do with the growing gap between the younger cohort and the political leaders from the community. Old is not necessarily gold in politics, many leaders have overstayed and they lost touch with contemporary expectations.

An aide to a Sabah minister said that the disconnect is all too real because 40% of Sabah constituents are below 40 years of age.

Opposition parties, on the other hand, are still dominated by figures who had fallen out with the ruling coalition or what some call “recycled politicians”.

The opposition also has its share of people who are past their shelf life and they know who they are.

The community’s most famous politician Tan Sri Joseph Pairin Kitingan, who is also Deputy Chief Minister, has indicated that he will not be contesting the next election. His exit will mark the end of an era but it will also set the stage for others to make way for younger faces.

Another over-stayer, PBRS president Datuk Seri Joseph Kurup, is said to be grooming his young and handsome son, Arthur, to contest the election. Upko’s Dompok would probably be making another go at it if he had not been defeated in 2013.

It is quite ironic that the Kadazandusun who are so suspicious of Umno are now interested in Parti Warisan which is led by Shafie, a former Umno leader.

Shafie’s events in Kadazandusun areas are still drawing huge crowds and they seem to love him. His events are well-organised and he evidently has a considerable war chest.

But a Kuching-based journalist who has seen it all said the Barisan side has yet to show their hand.

“Shafie may have a huge gas tank, but the other side probably has a gas field,” said the journalist.

It is going to be another over-crowded political carnival in Sabah.



Seemingly, in the combined complex variation of the uneasiness and distrust marriage-of-(in)convenience-between-backstabbing-strage-bedfellows, rebellion within Pakatan Harapan component parties, unravelling of the lies and slanders against Prime Minister Najib and 1MDB issues are not actually scandals but problems, the tide has turned.

It is for BN advisers to take heed and make the necessary planning, ahead of the much anticipated 14GE.

Published in: on July 21, 2017 at 12:00  Leave a Comment  

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